Plan S is an initiative for Open Access publishing that was launched in September 2018. The plan is supported by cOAlition S, an international consortium of research funders. Plan S requires that, from 2021, scientific publications that result from research funded by public grants must be published in compliant Open Access journals or platforms. Europe is a diverse patchwork of countries at different stages of scientific development — from the research-intensive Nordic region, through the science powerhouses of Germany, the United.
Motto | Shaping the future of research |
---|---|
Formation | October 2011; 7 years ago |
Type | Association of research organization |
Purpose | Research |
Headquarters | Brussels |
Website | www.scienceeurope.org |
Science Europe is an association of major Research Funding Organisations (RFOs) and Research Performing Organisations (RPOs) [1]. It was established in October 2011 and is based in Brussels.
The association facilitates co-operation among its members and supports excellence in science and research in all disciplines, acting as a platform to develop positions on research policy issues and to address policy messages to the European institutions, researchers, national governments, and the public.
![S Plan Science Europe S Plan Science Europe](/uploads/1/2/4/7/124734853/743635168.png)
The RFOs and RPOs that make up Science Europe share a common mission: to fund and perform excellent research in a world where scientific communities are less and less shaped by national borders. They also share the responsibility of managing a substantial proportion of national public research investments in Europe. Science Europe was established by its members to act as a platform to share experience and practice, develop, and deploy collective strategies to face their common challenges, as well as to speak with one voice to other science policy stakeholders when it is relevant to do so.
The policy-related work of Science Europe is guided by a roadmap[2]. This document outlines the strategic objectives for Science Europe, as well as nine 'Priority Action Areas' on which its member organisations collaborate.
Member organizations[edit]
The members of Science Europe are 'Research Funding and Research Performing Organisations':[1]
- Austria: Austrian Science Fund (FWF).
- Belgium: National Fund for Scientific Research (FRS-FNRS), Research Foundation - Flanders (FWO).
- Bulgaria: Bulgarian Academy of Sciences.
- Czech Republic: Czech Science Foundation (GACR).
- Croatia: Croation Science Foundation (HRZZ).
- Denmark: Danish Council for Independent Research (DFF), Danish national Research Foundation (DG).
- Estonia: Estonian Research Council (ETAG).
- Finland: Academy of Finland (AKA).
- France: Agence nationale de la recherche (ANR).
- Germany: Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG), Max Planck Society (MPG), Leibniz Association.
- Hungary: Hungarian Academy of Sciences (MTA).
- Iceland: Icelandic Centre for Research (Rannís).
- Ireland: Health Research Board (HRB), Irish Research Council (IRC), Science Foundation Ireland (SFI).
- Italy: National Research Council (CNR), National Institute for Nuclear Physics (INFN).
- Latvia: Latvian Science Council (LZP).
- Lithuania: Research Council of Lithuania (LMT).
- Luxembourg: National Research Fund (FNR).
- Netherlands: Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO).
- Norway: Research Council of Norway (RCN).
- Poland: Foundation for Polish Science (FNP), National Science Centre (NCN).
- Portugal: Foundation for Science and Technology (FCT).
- Slovakia: Slovak Research and Development Agency (APVV).
- Slovenia: Slovenian Research Agency (ARRS).
- Spain: Spanish National Research Council (CSIC).
- Sweden: Swedish Research Council for Health, Working Life and Welfare (FORTE), Swedish Research Council for Sustainable Development (FORMAS), Swedish Research Council (VR).
- Switzerland: Swiss National Science Foundation (SNSF).
- United Kingdom: UK Research and Innovation.
Areas of Activity[edit]
Science Europe carries out advocacy and policy activities in a variety of research policy areas [3], including:
- Cross-border Collaboration
- Gender and Diversity
- Horizon 2020 and Horizon Europe
- Innovation and Impact
- Open Access to Scientific Publications
- Open Science
- Research Careers
- Research Data
- Research Infrastructures
- Research Integrity
- Research Policy and Programme Evaluation
Dedicated working groups, high level policy networks, and task forces are set up around these policy areas to make concrete progress on finding common approaches; these groups draw on the extensive experience of the Member Organisations. Science Europe regularly publishes position statements, practical guides, policy briefs, survey reports, and other documents on these topics which provide analyses, present results, and make recommendations for research stakeholders [4].
EU Legislation & Regulatory Affairs[edit]
Science Europe is active on topics relating to EU legislation and regulatory affairs which have a large impact on the research sector, current topics include:
- Directive on Copyright
- Directive on Protection of Animals Used for Scientific Purposes
- Regulation on the Free Flow of Non-personal Data
- Review of the Directive on Public Sector Information
![Plan Plan](/uploads/1/2/4/7/124734853/316292442.jpg)
See also[edit]
- Plan S – an open access initiative launched by a consortium of research funding organisations led by Science Europe
References[edit]
- ^ ab'Member Organisations'. scienceeurope.org. Retrieved 17 June 2013.
- ^'Science Europe Roadman'(PDF). scienceeurope.org. December 2013. Retrieved 2018-09-08.
- ^'Policy at Science Europe'. scienceeurope.org. Retrieved 23 August 2017.
- ^'Science Europe Publications'. scienceeurope.org. Retrieved 23 August 2017.
External links[edit]
Retrieved from 'https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Science_Europe&oldid=867384838'
BRUSSELS — If Britain ever wants an orderly exit from the European Union, it must pass the withdrawal agreement painfully negotiated with the bloc, Michel Barnier, its chief Brexit negotiator, warned on Tuesday.
Given how little time remains before April 12, when Britain might have to leave the European Union without a deal, Prime Minister Theresa May emerged from a series of tense cabinet meetings to say that she will ask her European counterparts to grant Britain another short extension to try to pass a withdrawal agreement. Parliament has already rejected her plan three times by margins varying from historic to hefty.
A majority in Parliament opposes a no-deal Brexit, but agrees on little else.
To show the Europeans that the extension is worth providing, Mrs. May announced that she would try to meet with the head of the opposition Labour Party, Jeremy Corbyn, “to agree a plan that we would both stick to ensure that we leave the European Union and that we do so with a deal.”
Mr. Corbyn favors a much closer trading relationship in the future with the European Union than Mrs. May. But if the two leaders can agree on a softer Brexit, then a parliamentary majority might be found to leave the European Union with a deal, initiating a transition period of at least two years while a future relationship is negotiated.
In his comments on Tuesday morning, Mr. Barnier made it clear that even if Britain asks for a long extension, the withdrawal agreement will not be reopened, and that negotiations on the country’s future relationship with the European Union cannot legally take place until Britain is no longer a member.
Having failed to achieve a breakthrough on Monday, a group of lawmakers working across party lines were on Tuesday planning a new strategy to try to avert the increasing risk of a no-deal Brexit.
If approved in a vote expected to take place Thursday, the measure introduced by a Labour member, Yvette Cooper, would require Mrs. May to request another delay.
But the proposed legislation, which will mostly likely be discussed on Wednesday, does not specify what the extra time would achieve, so it remains unclear whether such a request would satisfy European Union leaders. They have said that Britain could get another extension only if it has a new strategy, such as holding a general election or second referendum, and if it agrees to take part in the European elections in May.
The cabinet held two meetings on Tuesday as Mrs. May attempted to find a way out of the crisis. Though she said she wanted to avoid leaving without a deal and noted that Parliament would try to stop it, the prime minister’s office also said that a no-deal exit was the default scenario if there were no agreement.
Britain could also leave without an agreement, which Mr. Barnier said is “day after day more likely.” He insisted that the European Union was prepared for this scenario.
But even then, he said, Britain would have to return to talks with Brussels in a badly strained relationship to manage day-to-day dealings, including air transportation, trade and customs. The bloc could then negotiate a free-trade agreement with Britain, as with Japan or Canada, but key issues would “still be on the table,” Mr. Barnier said, listing protections for citizens’ rights, preventing a hard border between Northern Ireland and Ireland, and Britain’s legal and financial obligations to Brussels.
It would be much simpler for Parliament, which Monday night could find no majority for the Brexit plan, to pass the legally binding withdrawal agreement, Mr. Barnier said. Then the two sides could immediately begin to negotiate their future relationship, since the nonbinding political declaration “leaves the door open for a variety of outcomes” and could be easily adjusted to Britain’s wishes.
“If the U.K. still wants to leave the E.U. in an orderly manner, this agreement, this treaty, is and will be the only one,” Mr. Barnier said. “If there is no deal, there is no transition.”
Mr. Barnier spoke and took questions on Tuesday at the European Policy Center, a think tank based in Brussels.
The mood in Brussels has been somber as the British Parliament floundered in its attempts either to pass the withdrawal agreement or to find a majority for any alternative. But that agreement, including the so-called Irish backstop, will not change, Mr. Barnier and other European leaders have said.
Some member countries, like France, tend to favor a no-deal Brexit so the issue does not affect European parliamentary elections at the end of May.
The fear is that Brexit will be taken up by Europe’s various populist and euroskeptic parties as another sign of the supposed indifference of Brussels to democratic expression.
But others, like Germany, believe that Britain is a crucial neighbor and partner in trade and defense, and argue that it should be given a longer extension. The heads of state and government are to meet in Brussels in an emergency session on April 10, two days before the current Brexit deadline, to hear what Britain has decided.
To get an extension, Britain must tell the other member states why it wants one — for a general election, another referendum or some other reason that promises a way out of the impasse rather than just allowing more time for bickering and deadlock.
But a long extension has political and economic costs for both sides, Mr. Barnier noted, citing uncertainty that is damaging business relationships and investment and the need for the European Union to concentrate on other pressing issues, like migration, economic growth, inequality, refugees and terrorism. The leaders, he said, would have to “balance the different costs, between no deal, even if by accident, and a long prolongation.”
The European Union will protect its single market no matter what, Mr. Barnier said, since 500 million people and 22 million businesses depend on it. “We will never fragilize or unravel the single market,” he said in English. “If we fragilize or unravel the single market, we are lost.”